Showing posts with label gasoline taxes. Show all posts
Showing posts with label gasoline taxes. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 10, 2013

Gas Tax Critics: A Response

December 10, 2013, 9:38 a.m.

What's the Alternative?

In two blog essays and one newspaper column I have advocated that we get on with the business of tending to our deteriorating roads and bridges -- and that we continue to use the gasoline tax as a way of funding the projects. "Paying By The Mile Is A Terrible Idea," Sept. 25, 2013; Nicholas Johnson, "Think Long and Hard Before Diluting the Gasoline Tax," Iowa City Press-Citizen, Dec. 5, 2013, p. A7; "Gasoline Tax Is Our Friend," Dec. 5, 2013.

There are, of course, those who disagree with this approach. Sometimes I have responded, online when the comments are made in response to a newspaper's online article, or as appended remarks to the three items linked above. Because I continue to believe these are important issues, and those who seek to enter into a dialogue are entitled to some kind of response, I have reproduced, and added to, my responses in this new blog essay.

I'll begin with a Letter to the Editor in this morning's [Dec. 10] Press-Citizen regarding my Dec. 5 Press-Citizen column, linked above.

Taxpayers Aren't Getting Enough Bang for Their Buck
Steve Hufferd, Iowa City
Iowa City Press-Citizen, Dec. 10, 2013, p. A7

On Dec. 5, while advocating an increase in gasoline taxes, Nicholas Johnson makes the typical liberal error in assuming that increasing taxes will cure all the ills in the infrastructure. He would, I'm sure, say the same regarding taxes to fund education even while taxes spent on education has accelerated even while academic performance per student has plummeted.

We conservatives have no problem with taxes per se. The problem we have is with the plethora of irresponsible abuses of the public coffers. Where is the evidence that the gasoline taxes collected over the past half century has been spent wisely? A bit of transparency would be appreciated and might have a positive effect on the public resistance to tax increases. Of course, transparency could also work against any prospect of tax increases. With the public trust of government officials reaching new lows, it's not the best of times for politicians to be saying, "trust me with an increase in tax dollars."

Tax payers do not feel they are getting sufficient "bang for the buck." There are ways of getting big jobs done with very little. It's called management. The best example of the lack of it has been the current launching of Obamacare.

_______________

Steve Hufferd might be surprised to find the degree to which I agree with him -- as explained in these italicized comments, below:

I don't think that "increasing taxes will cure all the ills in the infrastructure [or] education." I don't recall ever saying that "the gasoline taxes [have] been spent wisely." (As a local school board member I often made the point in meetings, and newspaper columns, that some reforms both cost less and produce better results. As Hufferd puts it, "there are ways of getting big jobs done with very little.")

As a public official, and as a one-time administrative law professor, I have advocated more, not less, transparency in government.

I agree that "trust of government officials [is] reaching new lows" and that "trust me" no longer works.

I certainly share his commitment to better "management" -- and have ever since my term as U.S. Maritime Administrator during the mid-1960s (and throughout my term as a school board member). During President Lyndon Johnson's Administration we actually had a "War on Waste" program that saved taxpayers billions of dollars. (My contribution was working to reduce maritime subsidies.) Johnson symbolized the program by walking around the White House turning off needless lights -- thereby earning the nickname of "Lightbulb Lyndon." (I agree with Hufferd's criticism, and have said, that the rollout of Healthcare.gov was a classic example of poor management and oversight. "Exclusive: Insider Explains Healthcare.gov Fiasco; From 'Integration Testing' to 'Full End-to-End Testing,'" Nov. 2, 2013.)

So where do we part company?

(1) We have transportation needs. Unsafe bridges and deteriorating roads need to be fixed.

(2) There are limited options. (a) Continued crumble. We could continue to let the roads and bridges crumble, and build more detours around them. (b) Private ownership. We could sell them off to for-profit corporations -- with the tolls for driving far exceeding any gasoline taxes. (c) Different taxes. We could keep the roads public, but use different taxes: sales, property, or income -- shifting the entire burden away from the "user fee" and on to everyone. (d) Gas tax. We could continue to pay with the user fee called the gasoline tax -- hopefully, while applying Hufferd's and my focus on triage and "do we really need it," innovative cost-cutting, sound management, oversight, and increased transparency.

(3) Gas tax preference. Of these options, my preference is (d), Gas tax -- for reasons laid out in the Press-Citizen column, "Think Long and Hard Before Diluting the Gasoline Tax," Dec. 5. (Admittedly, non-drivers also benefit from our road network; thus, while I would not advocate some modest funding from income tax revenue, it would be difficult to argue persuasively against it.)

(4) We're all at fault. No institution (or individual) is free of the kind of inefficiencies, waste and abuses Hufferd and I would like to remedy -- whether corporations, the military, schools and universities, hospitals, non-profit organizations, religious institutions -- even political parties and their candidates' campaigns. It is misplaced to suggest that most of the fault, when it comes to government, falls on liberals or conservatives or libertarians or greens. Some are more willing to overlook waste in the military (billions of dollars in Iraq and Afghanistan that can't be accounted for); others less likely to come down on popular social programs. Corporate executives of companies dependent upon government contracts may complain about taxes, while spending millions on lobbyists and campaign contributions to get special tax breaks and other special interest benefits in return. (I've run numbers on the "return on investment" from campaign contributions. It's between 1000-to-one and 2000-to-one; give one million, get back one billion -- in the form of such things as contracts, tax breaks, antitrust exemptions, tariffs and other price supports.)

Local constituents, and their elected officials who campaign on reducing taxes, are among the first to squeal when a local defense contractor may lose a lucrative contract because the weapons system it's profiting from isn't wanted by the Pentagon, or just doesn't work.

So I don't think it is accurate, fair, or constructive to try to address these problems by demonizing one political party, or political movement, over another. On that Hufferd and I really do disagree.

Of course we don't want to pay for "bridges to nowhere" (a one-time Republican proposal), and we do want to have efficient and effective management of such necessary maintence projects as we may have, selected under rational systems of priority. Having said that, we're still left with the issue of how to pay for them. For the reasons I've outlined, I continue to believe the gasoline tax is the best way to do it.


Here are some additional criticisms -- and my responses.

The first two comments, below, appear on the Patch reference to the Sept. 25, 2013, blog essay, referenced immediately above. The next four were comments on the Editorial, "Gas Tax Increase StillBest Option Left Standing," Iowa City Press-Citizen, Dec. 1, 2013.

My responses, in italics, follow each.

Johnny Johnson December 03, 2013 at 05:46 PM Hey why not? Energy prices consume a far greater share of income from middle class than the rich. Make those working fools cough up more and skip lunch to pay for it.

Johnny Johnson (no relation) is, of course, correct: as a percentage of their income, the poor and middle class pay more for gasoline (and its tax) than the rich. (And this disparity is exacerbated by the poor often having to rely on older, low gas mileage cars in less good condition, and possibly longer commutes.) But this could also be said about everything else in the marketplace (e.g., food, clothing, automobiles, housing, fines for speeding) -- with the exception of various discounts offered to "seniors" and very young children (categories not directly related to income) and public subsidies for food and housing for the poor. In my opinion, the most effective and easily administered solutions are to raise the minimum wage to "living wage" levels in the private sector, and get closer to full-employment policies by making the government the employer of last resort in the public sector -- rather than to single out the gasoline tax as a single item. -- N.J.

Brian December 04, 2013 at 07:16 PM The State needs to cut costs, not raise revenue. Do the inefficiencies bother anyone else? Look at how many times I-80 has been redone Between Dodge Street & Coral Ridge last 10 years. What about the insane waste of money to replace the barrier between East & West with a "stained faux rock face". That was 1,000,000/mile. Just the labor to haul the existing barrier away required over 100 semi tractor trailers. Did anyone notice the stain faded in ONE WEEK? It wasn't UV stable. The State should be able to fund projects with existing gas tax.

Here again, Brian may be right (I'm not familiar with his facts). Everything possible should be done by those managing projects -- whether private sector or public sector -- to do jobs as efficiently and effectively as possible, at the lowest cost consistent with the necessary quality. Clearly, this is not a problem limited to public projects -- think about the BP Gulf oil rig disaster, the Massey Coal Mine disaster, the millions of cars and other products (including food) that must be recalled. But if we are going to continue to have a highway network that is smooth and safe we are going to have to continue to spend money on it. Trying to insure that money is spent as efficiently as possible is an essential goal; cancelling all highway projects because some are unwise or wasteful is not an option. -- N.J.

[I was one of those who commented on the Press-Citizen's editorial:] Nicholas Johnson · Top Commenter No one questions the need for roads and bridges in sufficiently good condition that cars and trucks can move safely and at reasonable speeds. Few question that public construction, maintenance and funding is preferable to for-profit corporate ownership and operation. The only remaining issue is what is the best formula for raising sufficient revenue -- and most fairly allocating the burden among Americans. As today's editorial explains, the gasoline tax wins that one hands down. For even more discussion of the reasons why, along with additional benefits of this approach, see "Paying By The Mile Is A Terrible Idea; The Gasoline Tax Is Our Friend," http://fromdc2iowa.blogspot.com/2013/09/paying-by-mile-is-terrible-idea.html December 2 at 7:49am

Mike Thayer · Follow · Top Commenter · Works at Coralville Courier This is intellectually lazy thinking by the PC. It's easy to say, "Raise taxes." But the REAL answer is finding areas in other state government spending where $215 million can be cut and re-allocated to roads/infrastructure. December 2 at 8:49am

Here again, I agree that everything possible should be done to evaluate taxpayer-funded federal, state, county, and city projects. Are they worth doing at all? What's the benefit-cost analysis? Those that have public support, still make sense, and that return multiples of what they cost should probably receive more money than they presently get. Some are probably funded at a more or less appropriate level. Those that have outlived their usefulness should be investigated further to see if they should be closed out. To put the cost of highway maintenance on all Iowa taxpayers -- rather than just those who drive and buy gas -- is, of course, an option, and one that some people in addition to Mike Thayer are advocating. For the reasons laid out in the column that begins this blog essay, I believe the multiple benefits and rationale for funding roads from a gasoline tax is a better option. -- N.J.

Lynn Griebahn Jr. · Top Commenter · University of Iowa Yes! someone needs to be the adult here, democrats NEVER think about the waste in spending, December 2 at 11:21am

As a wise wag once put it, "'Always' and 'never' are two words we should always remember never to use." Some Democrats and Republicans seem to care more about wise use of public money than other Democrats and Republicans -- a bloated defense budget, earmarks and tax breaks for special interests. Members of both parties seem somewhat reluctant to specify which specific programs they would eliminate. Indeed, they are so fond of suggesting that the elimination of "waste, fraud and abuse" will solve our budget challenges (when of course, however desirable, that's not the magic solution) that it's always seemed to me they think and talk about "waste" (in general) rather than "projects value" (in particular) far more than they should. -- N.J.

Michael Hoback · Top Commenter The feds are also considering raising their gas tax using the same plea as Iowa. The DOT has used the same claim of shortfalls, every legislative session for at least the twenty years I have been paying attention. The fact is that if you gave them every tax dollar in the state they would still want more. December 4 at 10:45am

On the assumption this is true, it is a call for oversight and better management -- something I certainly support. The more we can conduct a triage among potential road building and repair projects by engineers on the basis of rational analysis and professional judgment, and the less we can rely on politicians choosing projects on the basis of contractors' campaign contributions and short term construction jobs for their constituents, the better. -- N.J.

The following comment was posted to the online version of my Dec. 5 Press-Citizen column:

Michael Hoback · Top Commenter
Your opinion sounds very reasonable but bitter experience demonstrates that increased taxes only fuels bigger government. December 6 at 3:18pm

My response would be similar to many of those above. See, e.g., my numbered paragraphs (1) through (4) in the response to Steve Hufferd's Letter, at the top of this blog essay, and to Mr. Hoback's other comment, immediately above this one.

_______________

And my son, Sherman, has sent the following comment regarding this blog essay by email:

If you do a follow-up you might touch on 2 related topics:

1) Tolls and HOT lanes (aka "Lexus Lanes").

2) Gas tax refunds/credits for poor and working class folks, as well as those who must drive lower mileage vehicles and/or long distances out of necessity.

WRT #1 -- tolls and Lexus lanes are grossly regressive and, I would say, un-American. Since when do we segregate users of public infrastructure into the "haves" and "have-nots"? Our parks, libraries, and schools are available for everyone to use and enjoy. The same used to be true of our public roads and Interstate highway system. Not any more. Now it's 'pay up or shut up'.

Charging an extra fee or toll to use certain lanes on a public road -- particularly an exorbitant per mile 'HOT lane' charge that is admittedly _designed_ to keep out the 'riff-raff' (aka the 99%) -- is outrageous. Our highways are not some exclusive private dinner club. They should be open for ALL to use. Ordinary folks who cannot afford to pay the fees should not have to sit in traffic for hours and breathe exhaust fumes while the wealthy speed past them in their German luxury sedans. If the infrastructure is inadequate it should be improved. HOT/Lexus lanes are an elitist band-aid, and one that takes pressure off of legislators to actually _do_ something about roads with inadequate capacity. If the rich & powerful can buy their way out of traffic jams then they'll be happy and not press for road improvements.

OT/Lexus lanes are the equivalent of having two (2) sections in public libraries and/or schools. One section of the library for the well-healed who can afford to pay a user fee with shiny new computers and an extensive collection of books, comfy chairs, plenty of staff, etc, and the other just a bare-bones barely adequate room with old slow computers and maybe some box fans instead of A/C in the summer. Or a school split into two sections -- one with some classrooms that have a new computer for every kid, a teacher for every 10 students, and an indoor olympic size swimming pool vs. another section with classes of 30+ and some old textbooks on the other side of the building -- for the unwashed masses, the kids from poor and working class families.

Tolls and Lexus lanes are completely unacceptable. They are immoral and should be eliminated. Raise the gas tax instead.

2) Of course, even the motor fuel tax is regressive. Some people _must_ drive long distances. They aren't out joy riding, they have no choice. Out here in the D.C./Baltimore area (and most other major metro areas) people do not usually choose to live 30-50 miles from where they work -- it is the only way they can afford to live. People do not always have the money to buy a new (or used) car that gets 40 mpg. Maybe a relative gave them an old sedan that gets 18-20 mpg and they can barely afford the maintenance on it. Many farmers and ranchers must drive big pickup trucks and have no choice but to drive long distances. The same with construction workers, etc. You get the idea. It is not right to punish them for situations which are beyond their control.

Everything being equal -- income, required driving distance, vehicles needed -- then this would be easier. If no one really had to drive at all, or, say, no more than 10 miles per day, and everyone could afford an electric car, hybrid, or ultra-high mileage car that would suit their needs, then slamming them with a big fat fuel tax for driving a full-size crew cab dually pickup truck with a huge V-8 gas-sucking engine -- 'just because', for the "image" -- would make perfect sense.

Unfortunately it's not that simple.

Perhaps the gas tax should be set up like our income tax system (only simpler). The IRS recognizes that $50k/year is not the same from one person to the next. Some people have legitimate business expenses that are deductable for good reason. For example, it would not be fair to tax an independent cab driver on the entire amount he/she earns (their gross income), because they have to pay for fuel, maint., repairs, and license fees out of that. Likewise, it does not seem fair to a) have a flat tax (which the gas tax kinda is) and b) not allow any deductions for lower income folks and those who absolutely must drive long distances and/or lower mileage vehicles.

I rest my case. ;-)

_______________

This morning [Dec. 11] I discovered this Baltimore Sun editorial on the subject. It's not critical of the gas tax, quite the contrary. But I thought it sufficiently well reasoned to be worth adding here:

Editorial, “The Toll On America; With the nation's transportation network ailing, raising the federal gas tax for the first time in 20 years is the best available remedy,”
Baltimore Sun, Dec. 5, 2013; The Gazette, Dec. 11, 2013, p. A6.

Ah, to be in the U.S. economy of 1990s, a decade when the gross domestic product grew by about one-third and unemployment dropped from 7.5 percent to 4 percent. In 1993, the federal government raised the tax on gasoline to 18.4 cents per gallon, an increase of more than 30 percent from the previous year, and business boomed.

Since then, the cost of a gallon of unleaded gasoline has more than doubled, yet the per-gallon federal excise tax has remained unchanged. States have raised their fuel taxes to keep up as best they can with local transportation needs, but the federal government's source of revenue has stagnated, a problem worsened by the fact that people are driving less and using more fuel efficient vehicles.

The result? The Highway Trust Fund has run dry, and the nation's transportation infrastructure has suffered. To simply keep up with basic needs, Congress has been forced to supplement it with billions of general tax dollars — money that might have otherwise been used to pay down the debt, offset sequestration cuts or fund other myriad priorities.

In the House this week, a bill was introduced that would raise the tax by 15 cents per gallon. That would, more or less, allow the tax to at least keep up with inflation (falling a bit short as a percentage of fuel costs). It has been endorsed by AAA, and it's a safe bet that many in the business community, in the labor unions and local government would like to see it approved as well. Reducing congestion and keeping up the transportation network is vital to the economy.

Yet it's also safe to assume the bill has absolutely no chance in the GOP-controlled chamber. So inviolate is their no-tax pledge that conservatives would rather see the nation's economy wither than be caught raising a tax that is so obviously in need of updating.

This is a classic case of cutting off one's nose to spite one's face. Critics can point to transportation dollars that have been wasted, allegedly, on projects that are under-used or built too elaborately or required their contractors to pay their workers a living wage. But collectively, such waste (and we use that term loosely since many of these complaints are misplaced) is negligible, even microscopic, compared to the enormous transportation needs.

According to the American Society of Civil Engineers, the U.S. needs to invest about $2.7 trillion in transportation and other infrastructure by 2020 if the nation is to remain globally competitive. Yet the federal trust fund has become so depleted that experts say it won't be able to meet existing obligations in 2015, let alone take on new projects.

To leave the next generation a pot-hole strewn, overcrowded and unworkable transportation system would be as disastrous and as economically crippling as any budget deficit. And, as history has demonstrated, raising fuel taxes does not kill jobs. Indeed, most industrialized nations tax fossil fuels at a much higher rate.

One can argue that in the future, the U.S. must gravitate toward a system of financing transportation that is not so dependent on gas taxes, perhaps one that taxes by miles traveled instead of fuel consumed. As a recent U.S. Public Interest Group report notes, Americans are driving less and depending on public transportation more — yet we don't have the resources to accommodate this transition.

It's also reasonable to look for more public-private partnerships and other creative ways to finance airports, ports, highways, trains, light rail and other modes of travel in the future. But that is not nearly enough. The bottom line is that the country is already falling behind, and realistically, raising the federal gas tax must be part of the equation.

Would raising the tax also increase the cost of fuel? Absolutely, but that's not necessarily a bad thing. As studies have shown, getting stuck in traffic is even more costly, and Americans are doing a lot of that these days. As a recent Texas A&M Transportation Institute study found, congestion is already costing the average American an extra $818 per year. As distasteful as raising gasoline costs may sound, it's a lot better than the alternative of neglecting the roads, bridges and rails — or expecting some other miracle to come along.

_______________

Thursday, December 05, 2013

Gasoline Tax Is Our Friend

December 5, 2013, 7:30 a.m. (And see --> "Gas Tax Critics: A Response," Dec. 10, 2013 <--.)

Think Long and Hard Before Diluting the Gasoline Tax
Nicholas Johnson
Iowa City Press-Citizen
December 5, 2013, p. A7

As children, we used to sing "London Bridge Is Falling Down." That was fantasy. We'd never heard of a bridge falling down.

Now we have.

Why won't Gov. Branstad advocate an increased gas tax?

No one questions the need for safe, smooth roads and bridges.

Few question public ownership and maintenance. It sure beats private ownership by profit-maximizing corporations.

The only remaining issue? How to pay for it? As an earlier [Dec. 2] Press-Citizen editorial explained, the gasoline tax wins that one hands down.

We'll either pay for roads and bridges or we won't have them. But for a gasoline tax to pick up the tab, it must take account of inflation and current needs.

Politicians who run and vote against "government," encourage the notion taxes are evil. Taxes are just another way to buy stuff we need - like roads. Taxes are often the most efficient and equitable way to pay.

Proposed alternatives, such as the mileage tax or using other State funds, are little more than a shell and pea game to enrich the oil and automobile industries.

The gas tax is a "user fee." The more you drive, the more gasoline you buy, the more tax you pay, and the more you contribute to the maintenance of the roads you use.

There are many reasons why the gasoline tax is not creating enough revenue. Mostly it's the failure to adjust for inflation.

But it's also a good news, bad news story. The good news: the price of gas (with its tax) stimulates (1) higher gas mileage cars and trucks, (2) hybrids, and (3) electric vehicles (along with some other alternatives) -- all of which use less gas per mile than cars when the tax was last set.

As a result, we are both emitting fewer greenhouse gases, and less dependent on foreign oil.

The bad news: the less gas we use, the less gas tax revenue, the less money we have for roads and bridges.

So why not abandon, or supplement, the gas tax? Because doing so reduces the marketplace incentives for better gas-mileage vehicles. Raising the tax increases those incentives.

For example, paying tax by the mile (instead of by the gallon) there's no tax incentive not to drive a spiffy Hummer (some models get 9 mpg in city) or inefficient old vehicles. You'll still pay the mileage fee, and more per mile for gas, but no additional gas tax.

Grim reality: we'll either pay for our paved roads or go back to driving on the dirt roads of my youth. Road maintenance costs are more than before. One way or another we're going to pay. That's not the issue. Increasing gas taxes is not an additional outlay that could have been avoided; it's just the best way of paying for it.

My proposal?

Continue to fund road and bridge construction and maintenance with gasoline taxes. Raise the tax rate to whatever's necessary.

Give the more efficient, alternatively-fueled vehicles the gas tax advantages of better gas mileage. Provide what's needed by any new, socially beneficial technology when trying to change culturally embedded habits (such as battery recharging stations for electrics). This is similar to the boost we gave everything from the railroads to the Internet during their early years.

Once the alternative vehicles industries are profitable enough, design any one of a number of possible approaches for collecting a road user fee from them as well.

But, please, think long and hard before abandoning, or diluting, the gasoline tax. Let's not wake up to discover that, "You don't know what you've got until it's gone."
_______________
Nicholas Johnson teaches at the University of Iowa College of Law and maintains www.nicholasjohnson.org and FromDC2Iowa.blogspot.com.

# # #

Note: For an earlier, lengthier, and slightly different take on this subject, see "Paying By The Mile Is A Terrible Idea," September 25, 2013. For the positions of critics of this position see below.

# # #

There are, of course, those who disagree with this approach. The first two comments, below, appear on the Patch reference to the Sept. 25, 2013, blog essay, referenced immediately above. The next four were comments on the Editorial, "Gas Tax Increase StillBest Option Left Standing," Iowa City Press-Citizen, Dec. 1, 2013.

My responses, in italics, follow each.

Johnny Johnson December 03, 2013 at 05:46 PM Hey why not? Energy prices consume a far greater share of income from middle class than the rich. Make those working fools cough up more and skip lunch to pay for it.

Johnny Johnson (no relation) is, of course, correct: as a percentage of their income, the poor and middle class pay more for gasoline (and its tax) than the rich. (And this disparity is exacerbated by the poor often having to rely on older, low gas mileage cars in less good condition, and possibly longer commutes.) But this could also be said about everything else in the marketplace (e.g., food, clothing, automobiles, housing, fines for speeding) -- with the exception of various discounts offered to "seniors" and very young children (categories not directly related to income) and public subsidies for food and housing for the poor. In my opinion, the most effective and easily administered solutions are to raise the minimum wage to "living wage" levels in the private sector, and get closer to full-employment policies by making the government the employer of last resort in the public sector -- rather than to single out the gasoline tax as a single item. -- N.J.

Brian December 04, 2013 at 07:16 PM The State needs to cut costs, not raise revenue. Do the inefficiencies bother anyone else? Look at how many times I-80 has been redone Between Dodge Street & Coral Ridge last 10 years. What about the insane waste of money to replace the barrier between East & West with a "stained faux rock face". That was 1,000,000/mile. Just the labor to haul the existing barrier away required over 100 semi tractor trailers. Did anyone notice the stain faded in ONE WEEK? It wasn't UV stable. The State should be able to fund projects with existing gas tax.

Here again, Brian may be right (I'm not familiar with his facts). Everything possible should be done by those managing projects -- whether private sector or public sector -- to do jobs as efficiently and effectively as possible, at the lowest cost consistent with the necessary quality. Clearly, this is not a problem limited to public projects -- think about the BP Gulf oil rig disaster, the Massey Coal Mine disaster, the millions of cars and other products (including food) that must be recalled. But if we are going to continue to have a highway network that is smooth and safe we are going to have to continue to spend money on it. Trying to insure that money is spent as efficiently as possible is an essential goal; cancelling all highway projects because some are unwise or wasteful is not an option. -- N.J.

[I was one of those who commented on the Press-Citizen's editorial:] Nicholas Johnson · Top Commenter No one questions the need for roads and bridges in sufficiently good condition that cars and trucks can move safely and at reasonable speeds. Few question that public construction, maintenance and funding is preferable to for-profit corporate ownership and operation. The only remaining issue is what is the best formula for raising sufficient revenue -- and most fairly allocating the burden among Americans. As today's editorial explains, the gasoline tax wins that one hands down. For even more discussion of the reasons why, along with additional benefits of this approach, see "Paying By The Mile Is A Terrible Idea; The Gasoline Tax Is Our Friend," http://fromdc2iowa.blogspot.com/2013/09/paying-by-mile-is-terrible-idea.html December 2 at 7:49am

Mike Thayer · Follow · Top Commenter · Works at Coralville Courier This is intellectually lazy thinking by the PC. It's easy to say, "Raise taxes." But the REAL answer is finding areas in other state government spending where $215 million can be cut and re-allocated to roads/infrastructure. December 2 at 8:49am

Here again, I agree that everything possible should be done to evaluate taxpayer-funded federal, state, county, and city projects. Are they worth doing at all? What's the benefit-cost analysis? Those that have public support, still make sense, and that return multiples of what they cost should probably receive more money than they presently get. Some are probably funded at a more or less appropriate level. Those that have outlived their usefulness should be investigated further to see if they should be closed out. To put the cost of highway maintenance on all Iowa taxpayers -- rather than just those who drive and buy gas -- is, of course, an option, and one that some people in addition to Mike Thayer are advocating. For the reasons laid out in the column that begins this blog essay, I believe the multiple benefits and rationale for funding roads from a gasoline tax is a better option. -- N.J.

Lynn Griebahn Jr. · Top Commenter · University of Iowa Yes! someone needs to be the adult here, democrats NEVER think about the waste in spending, December 2 at 11:21am

As a wise wag once put it, "'Always' and 'never' are two words we should always remember never to use." Some Democrats and Republicans seem to care more about wise use of public money than other Democrats and Republicans -- a bloated defense budget, earmarks and tax breaks for special interests. Members of both parties seem somewhat reluctant to specify which specific programs they would eliminate. Indeed, they are so fond of suggesting that the elimination of "waste, fraud and abuse" will solve our budget challenges (when of course, however desirable, that's not the magic solution) that it's always seemed to me they think and talk about "waste" (in general) rather than "projects value" (in particular) far more than they should. -- N.J.

Michael Hoback · Top Commenter The feds are also considering raising their gas tax using the same plea as Iowa. The DOT has used the same claim of shortfalls, every legislative session for at least the twenty years I have been paying attention. The fact is that if you gave them every tax dollar in the state they would still want more. December 4 at 10:45am

On the assumption this is true, it is a call for oversight and better management -- something I certainly support. The more we can conduct a triage among potential road building and repair projects by engineers on the basis of rational analysis and professional judgment, and the less we can rely on politicians choosing projects on the basis of contractors' campaign contributions and short term construction jobs for their constituents, the better. -- N.J.

The following comment was posted to the online version of my Dec. 5 Press-Citizen column:

Michael Hoback · Top Commenter
Your opinion sounds very reasonable but bitter experience demonstrates that increased taxes only fuels bigger government. December 6 at 3:18pm

And this letter to the editor strikes a similar theme:

Taxpayers Aren't Getting Enough Bang for Their Buck
Steve Hufferd, Iowa City
Iowa City Press-Citizen, Dec. 10, 2013, p. A7

On Dec. 5, while advocating an increase in gasoline taxes, Nicholas Johnson makes the typical liberal error in assuming that increasing taxes will cure all the ills in the infrastructure. He would, I'm sure, say the same regarding taxes to fund education even while taxes spent on education has accelerated even while academic performance per student has plummeted.

We conservatives have no problem with taxes per se. The problem we have is with the plethora of irresponsible abuses of the public coffers. Where is the evidence that the gasoline taxes collected over the past half century has been spent wisely? A bit of transparency would be appreciated and might have a positive effect on the public resistance to tax increases. Of course, transparency could also work against any prospect of tax increases. With the public trust of government officials reaching new lows, it's not the best of times for politicians to be saying, "trust me with an increase in tax dollars."

Tax payers do not feel they are getting sufficient "bang for the buck." There are ways of getting big jobs done with very little. It's called management. The best example of the lack of it has been the current launching of Obamacare.

Steve Hufferd might be surprised to find the degree to which I agree with him.

I don't think that "increasing taxes will cure all the ills in the infrastructure [or] education." I don't recall ever saying that "the gasoline taxes [have] been spent wisely." (As a local school board member I often made the point in meetings, and newspaper columns, that some reforms both cost less and produce better results. As Hufferd puts it, "there are ways of getting big jobs done with very little.")

As a public official, and as a one-time administrative law professor, I have advocated more, not less, transparency in government.

I agree that "trust of government officials [is] reaching new lows" and that "trust me" no longer works.

I certainly share his commitment to better "management" -- and have ever since my term as U.S. Maritime Administrator during the mid-1960s (and throughout my term as a school board member). During President Lyndon Johnson's Administration we actually had a "War on Waste" program that saved taxpayers billions of dollars. (My contribution was working to reduce maritime subsidies.) Johnson symbolized the program by walking around the White House turning off needless lights -- thereby earning the nickname of "Lightbulb Lyndon." (I agree with Hufferd's criticism, and have said, that the rollout of Healthcare.gov was a classic example of poor management and oversight.)

So where do we part company?

(1) We have transportation needs. Unsafe bridges and deteriorating roads need to be fixed.

(2) There are limited options. (a) Continued crumble. We could continue to let the roads and bridges crumble, and build more detours around them. (b) Private ownership. We could sell them off to for-profit corporations -- with the tolls for driving far exceeding any gasoline taxes. (c) Different taxes. We could keep the roads public, but use different taxes: sales, property, or income -- shifting the entire burden away from the "user fee" and on to everyone. (d) Gas tax. We could continue to pay with the user fee called the gasoline tax -- hopefully, while applying Hufferd's and my focus on triage and "do we really need it," innovative cost-cutting, sound management, oversight, and increased transparency.

(3) Gas tax preference. Of these options, my preference is (d), Gas tax -- for reasons laid out in the Press-Citizen column, "Gasoline Tax Is Our Friend," Dec. 5. (Admittedly, non-drivers also benefit from our road network; thus, while I would not advocate some modest funding from income tax revenue, it would be difficult to argue persuasively against it.)

(4) We're all at fault. No institution (or individual) is free of the kind of inefficencies, waste and abuses Hufferd and I would like to remedy -- whether corporations, the military, schools and universities, hospitals, non-profit organizations, or religious institutions. It is misplaced to suggest that most of the fault, when it comes to government, falls on liberals or conservatives or libertarians or greens. Some are more willing to overlook waste in the military (billions of dollars in Iraq and Afghanistan that can't be accounted for); others less likely to come down on popular social programs. Corporate executives of companies dependent upon government contracts may complain about taxes, while spending millions on lobbyists and campaign contributions to get special tax breaks and other special interest benefits in return. (I've run numbers on the "return on investment" from campaign contributions. It's between 1000-to-one and 2000-to-one; give one million, get back one billion -- in the form of such things as contracts, tax breaks, antitrust exemptions, tariffs and other price supports.)

Elected officials who campaign on reducing taxes -- and their local constituents -- are among the first to squeal when a local defense contractor may lose a lucrative contract because the weapons system it's profiting from isn't wanted by the Pentagon, or just doesn't work.

So I don't think it is accurate, fair, or constructive to try to address these problems by demonizing one political party, or political movement, over another. On that Hufferd and I really do disagree.

Of course we don't want to pay for "bridges to nowhere" (a one-time Republican proposal), and we do want to have efficient and effective management of such necessary maintence projects as we may have, selected under rational systems of priority. Having said that, we're still left with the issue of how to pay for them. For the reasons I've outlined, I continue to believe the gasoline tax is the best way to do it.

# # #

And my son, Sherman, has sent the following comment regarding this blog essay by email:

If you do a follow-up you might touch on 2 related topics:

1) Tolls and HOT lanes (aka "Lexus Lanes").

2) Gas tax refunds/credits for poor and working class folks, as well as those who must drive lower mileage vehicles and/or long distances out of necessity.

WRT #1 -- tolls and Lexus lanes are grossly regressive and, I would say, un-American. Since when do we segregate users of public infrastructure into the "haves" and "have-nots"? Our parks, libraries, and schools are available for everyone to use and enjoy. The same used to be true of our public roads and Interstate highway system. Not any more. Now it's 'pay up or shut up'.

Charging an extra fee or toll to use certain lanes on a public road -- particularly an exorbitant per mile 'HOT lane' charge that is admittedly _designed_ to keep out the 'riff-raff' (aka the 99%) -- is outrageous. Our highways are not some exclusive private dinner club. They should be open for ALL to use. Ordinary folks who cannot afford to pay the fees should not have to sit in traffic for hours and breathe exhaust fumes while the wealthy speed past them in their German luxury sedans. If the infrastructure is inadequate it should be improved. HOT/Lexus lanes are an elitist band-aid, and one that takes pressure off of legislators to actually _do_ something about roads with inadequate capacity. If the rich & powerful can buy their way out of traffic jams then they'll be happy and not press for road improvements.

OT/Lexus lanes are the equivalent of having two (2) sections in public libraries and/or schools. One section of the library for the well-healed who can afford to pay a user fee with shiny new computers and an extensive collection of books, comfy chairs, plenty of staff, etc, and the other just a bare-bones barely adequate room with old slow computers and maybe some box fans instead of A/C in the summer. Or a school split into two sections -- one with some classrooms that have a new computer for every kid, a teacher for every 10 students, and an indoor olympic size swimming pool vs. another section with classes of 30+ and some old textbooks on the other side of the building -- for the unwashed masses, the kids from poor and working class families.

Tolls and Lexus lanes are completely unacceptable. They are immoral and should be eliminated. Raise the gas tax instead.

2) Of course, even the motor fuel tax is regressive. Some people _must_ drive long distances. They aren't out joy riding, they have no choice. Out here in the D.C./Baltimore area (and most other major metro areas) people do not usually choose to live 30-50 miles from where they work -- it is the only way they can afford to live. People do not always have the money to buy a new (or used) car that gets 40 mpg. Maybe a relative gave them an old sedan that gets 18-20 mpg and they can barely afford the maintenance on it. Many farmers and ranchers must drive big pickup trucks and have no choice but to drive long distances. The same with construction workers, etc. You get the idea. It is not right to punish them for situations which are beyond their control.

Everything being equal -- income, required driving distance, vehicles needed -- then this would be easier. If no one really had to drive at all, or, say, no more than 10 miles per day, and everyone could afford an electric car, hybrid, or ultra-high mileage car that would suit their needs, then slamming them with a big fat fuel tax for driving a full-size crew cab dually pickup truck with a huge V-8 gas-sucking engine -- 'just because', for the "image" -- would make perfect sense.

Unfortunately it's not that simple.

Perhaps the gas tax should be set up like our income tax system (only simpler). The IRS recognizes that $50k/year is not the same from one person to the next. Some people have legitimate business expenses that are deductable for good reason. For example, it would not be fair to tax an independent cab driver on the entire amount he/she earns (their gross income), because they have to pay for fuel, maint., repairs, and license fees out of that. Likewise, it does not seem fair to a) have a flat tax (which the gas tax kinda is) and b) not allow any deductions for lower income folks and those who absolutely must drive long distances and/or lower mileage vehicles.

I rest my case. ;-)

_______________

Wednesday, September 25, 2013

Paying By The Mile Is A Terrible Idea

September 25, 2013, 9:00 a.m. (And see, "Gas Tax Critics: A Response," Dec. 10, 2013.)

The Gasoline Tax Is Our Friend
Don't it always seem to go
That you don't know what you've got
Till it's gone
-- Joni Mitchell, "Big Yellow Taxi"

As children we used to sing "London Bridge Is Falling Down." It involved a land far away, a fantasy, because none of us had ever heard of a bridge actually falling down.

Now we have.

We're told many of Iowa's bridges are in need of replacement or repair -- including our own Park Road bridge over the Iowa River. Roads, too, are crumbling and in need of replacement.

It all costs money. How to pay for it? For years it's been paid for with the federal and state gasoline taxes. Today "tax" is one of our few three-letter dirty words. Political rhetoric permits a discussion of "taxes" disconnected from a consideration of what we buy with them. Taxes are, after all, just another way of buying stuff we need -- like roads and bridges. Paying nothing for roads and bridges is not an option. One way or another we'll either pay for them or we won't have them. But in order for the gasoline tax system to work, the taxes need to be raised to a level that recognizes both inflation and current need for funds. Politicians who have convinced their constituents that taxes are evil are reluctant to do this, and are looking for alternatives.

Current proposals to substitute a kind of mileage tax, or toll road, for gasoline taxes are, unfortunately, gaining favor. Before these ideas go much further, it's time to explain why they are little more than a shell and pea game designed to further enrich the oll and automobile manufacturing industries.

One of the primary virtues of the gasoline tax is that it is what's called a "user fee." The more you drive on the roads, the more gasoline you'll buy, the more gasoline tax you'll pay, and the more you'll contribute to the building and maintenance of the roads you use. Unlike the railroads that must pay the whole cost of building and maintaining their roadways, the trucking companies have all of us pitching in to build their roadway system. [Photo credit: multiple sources.]

Ah, say the mileage fee advocates, but under our proposal the amount paid by drivers would also be tied to their usage.

To which I reply, "Yes, but . . .." Yes, but look at all we give up in the process. Abandoning the gasoline tax system, as Joni Mitchell reminds us, is going to leave us with the realization that we didn't know how good we had it before it disappeared.

Crumbling roads and falling bridges are not our nation's, and our state's, only challenges. (1) All Iowans, but especially our farmers, are discovering what "climate change" means in our day-to-day lives and business operations. We need to do everything possible to reduce our use of fossil fuels. (2) And, to the extent our dependence on fossil fuels will continue, we want to become as energy independent as possible. When "our oil" somehow gets beneath the sands of Middle Eastern countries, it costs us trillions of dollars, and thousands of lives, for our military to go get it out for us.

There are many reasons why the gasoline tax is not creating the revenue we need to keep an adequate vehicular infrastructure up to snuff. Mostly it's the failure to raise it to the levels required by inflation.

But it's also a good news, bad news story. You want the good news first? OK.

There are three other factors at play. (1) Higher gas mileage cars and trucks, (2) hybrids, and (3) electric vehicles (along with some other alternatives) all use less gas per mile than the averages when the gasoline tax was put in place. As a result, we are both (a) putting less volume of greenhouse gases into the environment than we otherwise would be, and (b) are less dependent on foreign oil supplies. There are many motivations and forces that support the growing interest in these three alternatives to low mileage cars and trucks, but a major one is the price of gas (including the gasoline taxes).

That's the good news. The other side of that coin is that, notwithstanding the benefits of our using less gasoline, the less gas we use the less revenue the gasoline tax produces, the less money we have for roads and bridges.

So why not substitute a mileage charge? There are many reasons. But whether you eliminate the gasoline tax, reduce it, or hold it at present levels, one consequence is that doing so reduces the marketplace incentive to produce and purchase better gas-mileage vehicles, including hybrids and electrics -- which is something we should want to encourage, not discourage.

By raising the gasoline tax to the levels necessary to maintain our road and bridges infrastructure we can actually increase the incentive to fuel efficiency.

It is difficult to change an entire nation's culture and habits -- as we have seen with tobacco use. But note that, in that case, we used all of Larry Lessig's four options for modifying human behavior (law, norms, market, architecture). We have laws that prohibit smoking in some places. The norm is that smokers ask permission to smoke in your presence (or simply refrain from doing so), rather than assuming it is of course OK, because, after all, "everybody smokes." And convenience stores have moved the cigarettes behind the counter, where they are more difficult for teenagers to steal (an "architectural" change). But one of the biggest factors has been a marketplace modification: teenagers are much less likely to take up smoking at $7.00 per pack of cigarettes than at $2.00.

When you pay by the mile, you can drive as low mileage a vehicle as you want -- a spiffy Hummer (some models get 9 mpg in city) or an inefficient old vehicle. You'll still pay more per mile for the gas, but at least you won't be paying a tax on top of that to maintain your roadway.

Another disadvantage to the mileage charge is the sheer administrative complexity of operating such a system, with its much wider array of possible fraudulent evasions than available with the gas tax.

My proposal? Continue to fund road and bridge construction and maintenance with gasoline taxes. Raise the tax rate to whatever level is necessary to do that. Continue to give the more efficient, and alternatively-fueled, vehicles the advantage needed by any new, socially beneficial technology when trying to change culturally embedded habits and (in the case of electrics' need for battery recharging stations) infrastructure. (That is, the advantage of paying less, or no, gasoline tax -- similar to what we've done during the early years of the Internet.) Years from now, when the alternative vehicles industries, and their necessary infrastructure, have crossed the threshold that make them sufficiently popular and profitable to stand on their own, design any one of a number of possible approaches for collecting a road-maintenance contribution from alternatively fueled vehicles.

But, please, think long and hard before adding, or substituting, a mileage fee system for the gasoline tax. Let's not wake up to discover that, "You don't know what you've got until it's gone."

# # #

Saturday, May 14, 2011

The Religious Indictment of Republicanism

May 14, 2011, 7:00 a.m.

[And see, "Spreading the Wealth Around -- By Giving it to the Rich," ResourcesForLife.com, May 14, 2011.]

Catholic University Professors Say Republican Budget
Violates Basic Catholic Moral Teachings

"For of those to whom much is given, much is required."
-- President John F. Kennedy, January 9, 1961
Funding tax cuts for the rich and corporations by cutting social programs for the poor not only violates "basic Catholic moral teachings," but the moral teachings of virtually all of the world's great religions. It's something all elected officials -- Democrats and Republicans -- need to reflect upon.

For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall be much required: and to whom men have committed much, of him they will ask the more.
-- Luke, 12:48, Bible, King James Version.

"Tzedakah" is the Hebrew word for the acts that we call "charity" in English . . .. However, [where] "charity" suggests . . . a magnanimous act by the wealthy and powerful for the benefit of the poor and needy . . . "tzedakah" is derived from the Hebrew Tzadei-Dalet-Qof, meaning righteousness, justice or fairness. [It] is not viewed as a generous, magnanimous act; it is simply an act of justice and righteousness, the performance of a duty . . ..
-- "Tzedakah," Judaism 101.

"Zakāt" (Arabic: زكاة‎) is giving a fixed portion of accumulated wealth by those who can afford it to help the poor or needy, and also to assist the spread of Islam. It is considered a religious obligation (as opposed to voluntary charity) that the well-off owe to the needy because their wealth is seen as a "trust from God's bounty". The Qur'an and the hadith also suggest a Muslim give even more as an act of voluntary alms-giving (sadaqah).
-- "Islam," wikipedia.org.
"More than 75 professors at Catholic University and other prominent Catholic colleges have written a pointed letter to [the Republican Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives] Mr. [John] Boehner saying that the Republican-supported budget he shepherded through the House will hurt the poor, the elderly and the vulnerable, and that he therefore has failed to uphold basic Catholic moral teachings.

“'Mr. Speaker, your voting record is at variance from one of the church’s most ancient moral teachings,' the letter says. 'From the apostles to the present, the magisterium of the church has insisted that those in power are morally obliged to preference the needs of the poor. Your record in support of legislation to address the desperate needs of the poor is among the worst in Congress. This fundamental concern should have great urgency for Catholic policy makers. Yet, even now, you work in opposition to it.'

"The letter writers criticize Mr. Boehner’s support for a budget that cut financing for Medicare, Medicaid and the Women, Infants and Children nutrition program, while granting tax cuts to the wealthy and corporations. They call such policies 'anti-life,' a particularly biting reference because the phrase is usually applied to politicians and others who support the right to abortion."

Laurie Goodstein, "Critical Letter By Catholics Cites Boehner On Policies," New York Times, May 12, 2011, p. A17.

Nor is this moral and religious failing limited to our politicians in Washington. It seems embedded in some state and local politicians as well (and thus, in fairness, to the extent they are our "representatives," in us as well).

Federal Government.

There are thousands of examples from our nation's capital, but here is a current one.

During a U.S. Senate hearing May 12, "At issue was a Democratic-sponsored bill to rescind roughly $2 billion of the $4 billion in tax incentives the oil industry now enjoys annually, with the money dedicated to deficit reduction." John M. Broder, "Oil Executives, Defending Tax Breaks, Say They’d Cede Them if Everyone Did," New York Times, May 13, 2011, p. B4.

It was regrettable, but expected, that the CEOs of the five largest oil companies would show little enthusiasm for the idea. What is far more disappointing is that all virtually conceded that it was little more than what Senator Hatch characterized as a "dog and pony show" (complete with poster-size illustration of horse and dog). All recognize it's dead on arrival (DOA) in the House, and the Democrats don't have enough votes to get it passed in the Senate. (In fact, although the Catholic University professors chose to focus on a Catholic in the leadership, who was a Republican, if they were to evaluate the voting records of all 535 House and Senate members they would have ended up with a truly discouraging number of Democrats on their list as well.)

And yet, based on sales so far this year, if the companies' continue this year's prices, they are on track to pull $140 billion of profit out of our pockets -- and gas prices look like they are continuing to go up, even when world oil prices decline. ("Collectively, the five companies reported more than $35 billion in first-quarter profits, and are on a pace to set record profits for the year." Ibid.)

The companies' tax burdens have not been great. For example, "Exxon Mobil, the most profitable corporation in the history of the world, not only paid nothing in federal income taxes in 2009, but received a $156 million tax refund from the IRS, according to their own shareholder report. Repealing tax breaks for big oil and gas companies as President Obama has recommended would raise more than $35 billion in revenue over the next decade." Bernie Sanders, "End Tax Breaks for Profitable Corporations," The Huffington Post, March 27, 2011.

Nor is this giveaway limited to oil companies. As Senator Sanders continued,
"At a time when we have a $14.2 trillion national debt and a $1.6 trillion federal deficit, it is unacceptable that Exxon Mobil, General Electric, Bank of America, Chevron, Boeing, and other large, profitable corporations are not only avoiding paying any federal income taxes at all but have actually received huge refund checks from the IRS.

Loopholes in the tax code, offshore tax havens, tax breaks to companies that export American jobs to China, and other tax breaks have allowed giant corporations in America to receive billions in refunds from the IRS. . ..

In 2005, one out of four large corporations paid no income taxes at all even though they collected $1.1 trillion in revenue over that one-year period. . . .

Bank of America received a $1.9 billion tax refund from the IRS last year, even though it made $4.4 billion in profits and received a bailout from the Federal Reserve and the Treasury Department of nearly $1 trillion. . . . Ibid.
And see Doug Mataconis, "David Stockman’s Scathing Indictment Of GOP Fiscal Policy," Outside the Beltway, August 1, 2010.

State Government.

Now here are a couple of examples from Des Moines.

If truth in advertising were required of legislation, the property tax bill that just passed the Iowa House would have to be labeled "Homeowners: Pay More for Less."

The bill enacts complex and far-reaching changes in Iowa property taxes that over time would hamstring the ability of cities and counties to provide services, while shifting the responsibility for property taxes from business to residents. . . .

[T]he net effect is a sizable shift to residential homeowners. The commercial share of taxable property would drop by almost a third, from 29 percent to 20 percent, while the residential share would rise from 47 percent to 54 percent. . . .

Residential homeowners, many of whom also have received the short end of the deal in income-tax cuts to benefit the wealthy over the past 15 years, would again pay the tab for perks for the most well connected. . . .

Over time, the revenue limit [in the Bill] would force substantial cuts in local services because revenues would not be allowed to increase as fast as costs.
Peter Fisher, "Truth in labeling on property tax bill," Iowa City Press-Citizen, May 12, 2011, p. A7.

Another outrageous example is the Iowa Legislature's willingness, notwithstanding all the problems with nuclear power, to have Iowa utility ratepayers not only have to accept MidAmerican's multi-billion-dollar nuclear power plant project over Iowans' objections, but to pay for it. And not only pay for it after it is built, but before. And not only pay for it before it is built, but let the company keep the money if it decides not to build it. To make matters worse, it's not only a brazen effort to give MidAmerican's shareholders the profits while giving unrepresented Iowa ratepayers the risks and possible losses, it also looks like it violates the Iowa Constitution:
One of the fundamental principles of government is that the power of taxation and expenditure of taxes shall not be exercised for private benefit. Iowa's founders recognized this principle [in the Iowa Constitution, Art. I, Sec. 18, and Art III, Sec. 31] when they required that for any payment or promise of public funds there had to be a defined public benefit.

Senate File 390 violates this fundamental principle by setting forth an unprecedented scheme for forcibly transferring private citizens' money and public taxpayer funds to MidAmerican Energy, a privately owned, for-profit utility corporation. The purpose for the legislation is subsidizing the possible construction of one or more nuclear power plants of indeterminate sizes, of undefined costs, at undisclosed locations and at some indefinite time in the future -- if at all.

The legislation further provides that if MidAmerican fails to get its plans approved or simply changes its mind, Iowa's ratepayers and taxpayers will have no recourse to get their money back. . . .

The proposed law's denial of citizens from getting their money back also is a prepaid profit scheme constituting an arbitrary deprivation of taxpayers' private property interests. State senators, facing overwhelming political pressures from Iowa's utility industry lobbyists, ought to take to heart the wisdom of our forefathers and reject MidAmerican's unconstitutional proposal to finance its private owners' risky scheme.
Jim Larew, "Unconstitutionality of SF390," Iowa City Press-Citizen, May 11, 2011, p. A7.

Local Government.

At the local level, this takes the form of "TIFs" -- giving developers a tax break that results in either higher property taxes for local homeowners, a cut in services, or both. The local debate has raged between advocates of TIFs and the opponents -- but meanwhile the TIFs keep sprouting up like mushrooms notwithstanding the obvious objections.

Here are just a few of the problems with TIFs, excerpted from a blog entry five years ago:
There are, of course, many other problems with TIFs besides their irrational and unfair impact on the programs that take the cuts.

(a) They are unfair to the TIF beneficiary's competitors who do have to pay their fair share of the cost of public programs benefiting everyone. Those competitors are, thereby, subject to a competitive disadvantage.

(b) They [TIFs] are open to corruption and cronyism, paybacks for campaign contributions, bribes or other favors.

(c) TIFs are the public budgeting equivalent of violating the advice in "how to manage your money" columns and books: always go shopping with a shopping list. TIFs are, for a taxing authority, what impulse buying is for the rest of us. Budgeting is, if anything, more important for those who are managing public finance than for those of us managing our own personal finance. Approving a TIF is like our seeing something in a store, saying, "Gee, I've got to have that," and then finding out, come the end of the month, that we no longer have enough money in the bank to pay the rent. Public expenditures ought to be based on a zero-based budgeting process that looks at every past, present and potential future public program, its costs, wastes and efficiencies. There should be comparative benefit-cost analyses of potentially competing programs, and a kind of triage of those that pay back so much they should be expanded, those that should continue as they are, and those that should be cut (or eliminated). Taking up individual TIF requests as they are presented totally undercuts that process.

(d) They involve government intermeddling in what ought to be the decisions of owners and investors (such as, discussion about the number of apartments vs. condos, and floors devoted to a "hotel," in a proposed TIF-funded building). If "a camel is a horse built by committee," Iowa City's next TIF-ed project is going to be a building designed by committee -- some members of which want to optimize the developers' profits, others who want to optimize the taxing authority's tax revenues, and none of whom are solely focused on the public's welfare (e.g., in this context, "affordable housing").

(e) There is no sure fire way to know where the truth lies when a developer says, "Gee, we just couldn't think of going ahead with this project unless you'll increase the profits we will make from the venture as a result of the multi-million-dollar contribution of corporate welfare dollars from taxpayers." The odds that any given taxing authority will end up having paid out more via an individual TIF (or outright grant) than would have been necessary are very high indeed. (I.e., no public money ought to be going into for-profit ventures that the developer-owner, investors, venture capitalists, and bank loan officers combined don't think worth it without subsidy. But if public money is going to be handed over to private developers anyway, how much should it be? "Trust me, this is how much I'll need," isn't a very satisfactory analytical tool.)

(f) There are few, if any, guarantees the taxpayers will ever get a return on their dollars. If there are profits they go to the developer; if there are losses they are picked up by the taxpayers.

(g) Not only do TIFs involve the rankest ideological hypocrisy (state funding of "free private enterprise"?!), but they really distort the market forces at play, and what happens to a city's growth and development (compared with what happens when the system for making these decisions is left solely to the best judgment of entrepreneurs, investors, venture capitalists and loan officers -- restrained only by reasonable zoning restrictions).

__________

Not only do I not object to rational and equitable economic development, I think it's essential to providing the American people with basic necessities -- including jobs -- as well as the more civilizing elements of life.

Nor do I object -- if it need be said -- to 100% public funding of such things as roads, schools, libraries, parks, and so forth (after subjecting these expenditures to the same kind of analysis suggested in (c), above). As we move along the continuum away from the more conventional public enterprises it may become more iffy; but even then -- say, if the City of Iowa City wanted to build a mixed-use tower as a 100% City-owned project -- I'm certainly willing to listen to, and evaluate, any proposal from a position of pragmatism rather than ideology.

What I object to are programs in the name of economic development that are not effective, or are unfair, or too expensive, or that have negatives outweighing any possible benefits, are difficult to administer, and return less benefit for the cost than alternatives might provide.

Put aside the costs, ethics and morality of subsidizing private enterprise; if all that doesn't bother you at least focus on the fact that such programs don't work. Our governor offered Maytag $100 million to stay. They left. In case after case, businesses given taxpayers' money have gone belly up, or never produced the promised jobs, economic growth, and increased tax revenues.

I would actually support economic growth programs that have been proven to work; programs that are fair, rational and benefit all businesses -- and citizens -- in the state of Iowa.

Those who've studied the matter say that business is attracted by a skilled workforce (which requires the unionization, liveable wage minimums, universal single-payer health care, and other economic supports to keep workers here); it also requires quality, and affordable, K-12, community college and university systems (which will require more funding); good transportation systems (buses, trains, roads and bridges, Mississippi and other rivers); communication (reasonably priced broadband, quality newspapers, television and radio); forests, parks and trails (for hiking, biking, camping, hunting, fishing and boating, which will require some restrictions on the hog lot and fertilizer runoff that pollutes rivers, streams and lakes); the support for the arts that Richard Florida talks about, and so forth.

Build that and we will have economic development -- rational, sound, free private enterprise economic development, grounded on solid fundamentals.

Build that and they will come.
"Understanding TIFs," October 5, 2006.

See also "Brother, Can You Spare A TIF?," April 25, 2011; "TIF-ing My Toolshed," September 2, 2006; and "Supervisor Sullivan Says 'TIF, TIF, Tsk, Tsk,'" September 16, 2006; and a series of Press-Citizen opinion pieces:

Nicholas Johnson, "TIF Helps the Rich Get Richer," Iowa City Press-Citizen, April 25, 2011, p. A7 (embedded in "Brother, Can You Spare A TIF?", April 25, 2011)

Bob Elliott, "State Should Limit Use of TIF," Iowa City Press-Citizen, May 6, 2011

Christopher Manthe, "Coralville Uses TIFs Far Too Much, Too Often," Iowa City Press-Citizen, May 7, 2011

Bob Hoeft, "The Other Side of TIFs," Iowa City Press-Citizen, May 11, 2011

Bob Elliott, "It Is Possible to Use TIFs Well," Iowa City Press-Citizen, May 13, 2011

Conclusion.

Politicians who hold public office take an oath to uphold the Constitution. But they have other obligations as well that are grounded in ethics, morality -- and the teachings of most of the world's great religions.

A variant is expressed by the phrase noblesse oblige. "'Noblesse oblige' is generally used to imply that with wealth, power and prestige come responsibilities. . . . In American English especially, the term has also been applied more broadly to those who are capable of simple acts to help another, usually one who is less fortunate." "Noblese oblige," Wikipedia.org.

President Kennedy once put it this way:
"For of those to whom much is given, much is required. And when at some future date the high court of history sits in judgment on . . . [whether] we fulfilled our responsibilities [we] will be measured by the answers to four questions: First, were we truly men of courage—with . . . the courage to resist public pressure, as well as private greed? . . . Finally, were we truly men of dedication—with an honor mortgaged to no single individual or group, and comprised of no private obligation or aim, but devoted solely to serving the public good and the national interest?"
John F. Kennedy, Speech to Massachusetts State Legislature (9 January 1961); Congressional Record, January 10, 1961, vol. 107, Appendix, p. A169 (quoted in "John F. Kennedy," Wikiquote).

It is a standard by which some of our elected officials will be judged harshly. It is, however, a standard to which we have every right, indeed the obligation, to measure their performance and judge their election.

# # #

Sunday, December 13, 2009

Deficits, Taxes, Culver and the Highway Lobby

December 13, 2009, 8:25 a.m.

Support the Troopers: A Rational Approach to Taxation
(brought to you by FromDC2Iowa.blogspot.com*)

Governor Chet Culver, looking down the well into a near-billion-dollar 2010 deficit, wants to take $46 million from Iowa's $1.144 billion Road Use Tax Fund to keep the State's Highway Patrol on the roads. Thomas Beaumont and William Petroski, "Culver takes on road industry," Des Moines Register, December 12, 2009.

Few if any industries have more power over states' legislatures than their highway lobbies. Iowa's no exception. They are an important sub-set of the industries that, together, have created America's global-warming-auto-dependent transportation system -- leaving us without the passenger rail networks other nations have. Think about it: the oil companies and their station owner-operators; the automobile manufacturers, unions, and dealers; the cement, steel, heavy equipment, and highway contractor companies; all the independent auto repair businesses; the auto scrap steel firms -- it goes on and on. We've paved some 61,000 square miles of America for roads and parking lots. That's an area that, if it were a state, would make it the 24th largest state in the country. It's roughly half the 76 million acres of soybeans, or 85 million acres of corn, farmers predicted they'd plant this year. "USDA Expects Corn, Soybean Acres on Par with Last Year," Newsroom USDA National Agricultural Statistics Service, March 31, 2009.

As the Register reports, "'This will be a bloodbath if it goes forward. This will absolutely be one of the most controversial issues of the session,' said Scott Newhard, vice president of the Associated General Contractors of Iowa." On the other hand, "The State Police Officers Council, a bargaining unit for troopers, 'is very much in favor' of Culver's plan to divert road fund money for the State Patrol, said Sue Brown, the council's executive director."

So there you have the level of analysis of this proposal at the moment: "bloodbath" vs. "support the troopers."

Can we do better? I think so. But rather than take sides in this battle of the titans, here's an effort to bring some rational, neutral principles to the analysis.

1. "What do you mean?'and 'How do you know?'" For starters, to have a rational and civil discussion we need to agree to use a more precise language and support it with data. Railing against "taxes" or "government" isn't very productive.

2. Taxes as currency. Taxes are just another way we buy stuff. We may use cash, checks or credit cards to buy clothes at the mall. We may use loans from a credit union, or auto dealer, to get a car. We may have deductions from our paycheck for a retirement fund or health insurance. We use taxes to buy our kids' K-12 education, the roads and sidewalks they travel to get there, our police and fire protection.

3. No system's perfect. You may buy a toy for your kid at the mall that breaks shortly after you get it home. The auto dealer may sell you a lemon, and then refuse to do anything about it. Your health insurance company may refuse to pay for a procedure that you think is covered by the policy you have been faithfully paying for. And we've just seen what Wall Street banks can do to our entire economy. Is there ever "waste, fraud and abuse" in government programs? Of course. (See, e.g., "State of Iowa Agency Reports on Tax Credits," December 14, 2009 (a pdf file); Clark Kauffman, "Audit: State Jobs Office Failed to Track Money," Des Moines Register, December 12, 2009.) But that's more a human condition than something endemic to government enterprise.

4. Think programs, not taxes. "Cost," standing alone is almost meaningless. It needs to be related to "benefit;" that's why there's such a thing as "benefit-cost" analysis. It's the same in for-profit businesses and government programs; the question is not "what are we paying?" it is "what are we getting for what we are paying?" It's not "how much did we invest?" it is "what is our return on this investment?" We can and do argue about values and ideology, and the validity of the formulas and data we use to arrive at those representations of costs and benefits. But at least those arguments about the utility of government programs are much more productive than arguing about "taxes" qua taxes.

5. Consequences, fairness and alternative taxes. There are many ways of raising money through taxation. Among the more familiar are income taxes, property taxes, sales taxes (and the related "value added" or VAT taxes), "sin taxes" (e.g., cigarette and alcohol taxes), capital gains, estate taxes, and "user fees" (e.g., entrance fees for public parks, swimming pools or museums; as distinguished from the "free" use of K-12 schools, for which there may also be fees).

Even if there is agreement about the benefit-cost utility of a given government program there can still be disagreement about the most appropriate and fair type of tax, and way of assessing and collecting enough taxes to pay for it (e.g., the poor may pay a disproportionately higher percentage of their income in sales and FICA taxes than the rich; property taxes may drive the elderly on fixed Social Security or other income from homes being taxed on assessed values ten times or more what they originally paid for their house).

The principle of "progressive" income tax rates has been with us since 1862, "History of the Income Tax in the United States," Information Please -- that is the notion that it's only fair the rich should pay at a higher rate than the poor (Sweden's marginal rate in 1979 was 87%) as well as paying that rate on a larger pot of income. Given that the wealthy have been notoriously more generous with their campaign contributions than the poor, legislators have tended to reduce the difference between the rates paid by each of those groups of constituents. "Between 1983 and 2003 the average (top) corporate tax rate of advanced OECD countries fell from around 50 to around 32 percent, the average top personal rate from around 66 to 48 percent." Steffen Ganghof, "Progressive Income Taxation in Advanced OECD Countries. Revisiting the Structural Dependence of the State on Capital," Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, August 23, 2004. The U.S. top marginal rate of 35% is, of course, well below the OECD average. And see Alan Reynolds, "Marginal Tax Rates," The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics (with a table of 47 countries' marginal tax rates that places the U.S. in the bottom half). Many Fortune 500 corporations pay nothing at all. Robert McIntyre and T.D. Coo Nguyen, "Freeloaders: Declining Corporate Tax Payments in the Bush Years," Multinational Monitor, vol. 25, no. 11 (November 2004).

(Speaking of progressive taxation, Sherman Johnson has emailed me his suggestion for applying the principle to fines. He's got a point: "Fixed fines are outrageously regressive and unfair. A typical ticket for a moving violation might be $150. Parking in a handicapped space is $250. That represents less than one hour of work for an attorney or accountant -- about one minute for a CEO making $20M per year. Not much of a deterrent. For someone working a minimum wage (or close to minimum wage) job -- say $8 per hour -- that $150 ticket is about half of a weekly paycheck. That's before taxes. After taxes, that $150 is the majority of their take-home pay for the week.")

6. "Tax breaks" as subsidies. Some critics question the validity of ever transferring taxpayers' money to the bottom line of for-profit corporations, regardless of the purpose. They'd prefer to let the "free market" work its will with entrepreneurs. (For one reason why, see "State of Iowa Agency Reports on Tax Credits," December 14, 2009 (a pdf file); Lee Rood, "Other Tax Credits Raised Red Flags," Des Moines Register, December 13, 2009; Lee Rood, "IDED Moves to Recover Funding from 4 Firms," Des Moines Register, December 13, 2009.) Advocates cite the benefit in job creation, and increased revenues for the state, from such programs. Regardless of the merits of such arguments, the fact remains that the only difference between an out-and-out subsidy and a "tax break" is transparency; which is why some critics say, if you're going to give my tax money to for-profit enterprises at least appropriate it, do it above the table where we can see the money and see who's getting it. Don't hide it in the tax code. Whether you give me $100, or tell me I don't have to pay $100 I thought I would, it's $100 in my pocket that wouldn't otherwise have been there.

7. Tying pay to benefit. A part of the rationale for "public" K-12 schools, paid for by everyone in the community, is that everyone benefits from living in a community where everyone else has at least a K-12 education: less crime, a more skilled workforce, more interesting conversations with neighbors, and better quality elected officials. (A similar rationale could be, but has not been successfully, used for "universal, single-payer" health care.) But there are also the "user fees," mentioned above, in which all, or most, of the cost of a public program is paid for by those who are its primary beneficiaries. For example, student tuition at the Regents' universities could be thought of as a partial "user fee," representing perhaps something on the order of one-half the actual cost per student of providing this "public university" education (as distinguished from the virtual free ride for those whose children attend K-12 public schools). It is not always clear which public programs should be paid for by users, and which by the general taxpaying public (because, presumably, there is a general public benefit, as with public K-12 schools) -- and if users should pay what proportion of the cost they should pay.

8. Highway funds and the Highway Patrol. Which brings us to the Governor's proposed use of highway funds for Highway Patrol payroll. The Register's sidebar indicates the sources of the highway fund include "Fuel taxes, motor vehicle registration fees, fees for new registration (formerly the use tax), underground tank fees, title fees, trailer fees, special plate fees, driver's license fees, Underground Storage Tank Fund, motorcycle education, other vehicle taxes and fees, other miscellaneous and interest." It is, in short, an almost perfect example of a "user-fee" based funding system for a government program, that is, road building and maintenance. If you don't own a road worthy vehicle you don't pay registration fees or gasoline taxes. If you do, you do -- and the more you drive, the more gasoline you buy, and the more gas taxes you pay. All drivers benefit from the roads, all contribute to their need for repair, and all pay their proportionate share (assuming the big trucks and heavy equipment, which cause more damage, are paying more than just the gas tax).

That being the case, it is not irrational to argue that the Highway Patrol, the job of which is, as the name suggests, to patrol the highways, should be paid for by the same users who are paying for the highways themselves.

[December 14 modification. Since writing this, "factsgetintheway" posted the following comment on the Register's online version of its story:
"The Iowa State Patrol is the state's law enforcement agency, and their functions extend way beyond traffic/motor vehicle enforcement. The Iowa Constitution clearly did not intend for functions outside of highways to be supported by the RUTF. At a minimum, those activities should be supported by the General Fund. Some of those duties & special ISP units include: assistance during prison riots & labor disputes; emergency assistance and law enforcement during disasters; an airwing used to fly emergency blood and tissue match relays, search for lost persons and other victims; Amber Alert program; canine unit for narcotics detection and criminal apprehension; Chaplains Program; executive protection for the governor and first family, Lt. Gov.; State Capitol security; safety education; and special enforcement team for intercepting illegal drugs.

"Many of these new duties have come about since 1975 when their name was changed from Iowa Highway Patrol to Iowa State Patrol.

12/13/2009 4:22:25 PM"
Assuming all of the content of this comment is true (and I have no reason to believe it's not), while it would not affect the analytical model I've laid out, it certainly would affect the result. I would agree that "at a minimum," as the commenter suggests, to the extent that the other-than-highway-related functions of the ISP can be separated out, there is not a "user fee" rationale for having them paid for out of the Highway Fund. There may, of course, be some other rationale for doing so, just not a "user fee" basis.]

That is not to say there are no contrary arguments, that anyone gives a darn about rational analysis, or that the ultimate decision will not be dictated by campaign contributions and raw political power at its worst.

But for what it is worth, this is at least a way to bring a little more rational analysis, and a little less emotion, to the resolution of a very tough budget debate.
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For the recent blog entries you may be looking for, go to "There Is No War in Afghanistan," December 4, 2009, and go to the bottom of that blog entry.
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* Why do I put this blog ID at the top of the entry, when you know full well what blog you're reading? Because there are a number of Internet sites that, for whatever reason, simply take the blog entries of others and reproduce them as their own without crediting the source. I don't mind the flattering attention, but would appreciate acknowledgment as the source, even if I have to embed it myself. -- Nicholas Johnson
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