Showing posts with label Iowa's Civil Rights Leadership. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Iowa's Civil Rights Leadership. Show all posts

Monday, October 10, 2011

Why 'Occupy'?

October 10, 2011, 7:30 a.m.

[And see also, "Those Kinds of Riots Here," September 18, 2011.]

What Do "Those People" Want?

[Photo credit: Elvira Bakalbasic.]

There was a lot of newspaper commentary about the "Occupy" movement once the local media finally recognized that the story could no longer be ignored. (The New York City version of "Occupy Wall Street" quickly morphed into "Occupy" places all across the country, including Iowa and Iowa City -- plus Des Moines, Mason City, and Fairfield, among other cities in Iowa.)

Many of those reader comments were critical of Occupy, from wild rants and charges of "Communist!" to critiques regarding the lack of specific demands and leadership. (This from critics who failed to recognize that the existence of movement "leaders" and "specific demands" in a movement's beginning often contribute to its downfall.)

Senator Grassley elaborated on Donald Trump's line, saying these protesters are "just a bunch of unemployed college students looking for dates" -- a disparagement he may come to regret.
[Arrests at Occupy Des Moines; thanks to BlogForIowa.com.]

A common question, seemingly reflecting genuine bewilderment on the part of the relatively well off, was a variant of "What do these people want?"

My response, in newspaper comments, was a variation on "if you have to ask you haven't been paying attention":
More and more Americans over the past 30 years have come to the realization that, as the "silent majority" bumper sticker had it, "The Majority is not Silent, the Government is Deaf." They come from all regions of the country, slices of the political spectrum, religions (and no religions), ages, and occupations.

There is a perception that when corporations and the ultra rich are not getting away with violating the law it is because they have written the law, that the ever-escalating gap in income between the 1% and the 99% is at least in part the result of money in politics (not just differences in enterprise, intellectual and entrepreneurial ability), and that ours has become a "government of the 1%, by the 1%, for the 1%" -- a government that has for the most part rebuffed and ignored our polite requests.

Historically, when those perceptions begin to register with the people, they take to the streets. That's how our nation began -- as the Declaration of Independence put it, "The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations . . .." It's how women got the right to vote, and African-Americans got civil rights. It's what it took to get the right to unionize, and bring the Viet Nam war to an end.

"This is what democracy looks like." Get used to it. Support it. Nothing could be more "American."

See, "Those Kinds of Riots Here," September 18, 2011,
http://fromdc2iowa.blogspot.com/2011/09/those-kinds-of-riots-here.html
So I was especially pleased to see the New York Times' editorial yesterday striking a similar theme. [I am taking the unusual step of reproducing here the entire editorial. I encourage you to subscribe to the Times, as I do: http://www.nytimes.com; they offer a special deal on a combination Sunday edition in Iowa City plus unlimited online access. But if they would like me to remove the editorial from this blog entry, along with my personal endorsement, I am quite willing to do so.]

Editorial: Protesters Against Wall Street
New York Times
October 9, 2011, p. SR 10
As the Occupy Wall Street protests spread from Lower Manhattan to Washington and other cities, the chattering classes keep complaining that the marchers lack a clear message and specific policy prescriptions. The message — and the solutions — should be obvious to anyone who has been paying attention since the economy went into a recession that continues to sock the middle class while the rich have recovered and prospered. The problem is that no one in Washington has been listening.

At this point, protest is the message: income inequality is grinding down that middle class, increasing the ranks of the poor, and threatening to create a permanent underclass of able, willing but jobless people. On one level, the protesters, most of them young, are giving voice to a generation of lost opportunity.

The jobless rate for college graduates under age 25 has averaged 9.6 percent over the past year; for young high school graduates, the average is 21.6 percent. Those figures do not reflect graduates who are working but in low-paying jobs that do not even require diplomas. Such poor prospects in the early years of a career portend a lifetime of diminished prospects and lower earnings — the very definition of downward mobility.

The protests, though, are more than a youth uprising. The protesters’ own problems are only one illustration of the ways in which the economy is not working for most Americans. They are exactly right when they say that the financial sector, with regulators and elected officials in collusion, inflated and profited from a credit bubble that burst, costing millions of Americans their jobs, incomes, savings and home equity. As the bad times have endured, Americans have also lost their belief in redress and recovery.

The initial outrage has been compounded by bailouts and by elected officials’ hunger for campaign cash from Wall Street, a toxic combination that has reaffirmed the economic and political power of banks and bankers, while ordinary Americans suffer.

Extreme inequality is the hallmark of a dysfunctional economy, dominated by a financial sector that is driven as much by speculation, gouging and government backing as by productive investment.

When the protesters say they represent 99 percent of Americans, they are referring to the concentration of income in today’s deeply unequal society. Before the recession, the share of income held by those in the top 1 percent of households was 23.5 percent, the highest since 1928 and more than double the 10 percent level of the late 1970s.

That share declined slightly as financial markets tanked in 2008, and updated data is not yet available, but inequality has almost certainly resurged. In the last few years, for instance, corporate profits (which flow largely to the wealthy) have reached their highest level as a share of the economy since 1950, while worker pay as a share of the economy is at its lowest point since the mid-1950s.

Income gains at the top would not be as worrisome as they are if the middle class and the poor were also gaining. But working-age households saw their real income decline in the first decade of this century. The recession and its aftermath have only accelerated the decline.

Research shows that such extreme inequality correlates to a host of ills, including lower levels of educational attainment, poorer health and less public investment. It also skews political power, because policy almost invariably reflects the views of upper-income Americans versus those of lower-income Americans.

No wonder then that Occupy Wall Street has become a magnet for discontent. There are plenty of policy goals to address the grievances of the protesters — including lasting foreclosure relief, a financial transactions tax, greater legal protection for workers’ rights, and more progressive taxation. The country needs a shift in the emphasis of public policy from protecting the banks to fostering full employment, including public spending for job creation and development of a strong, long-term strategy to increase domestic manufacturing.

It is not the job of the protesters to draft legislation. That’s the job of the nation’s leaders, and if they had been doing it all along there might not be a need for these marches and rallies. Because they have not, the public airing of grievances is a legitimate and important end in itself. It is also the first line of defense against a return to the Wall Street ways that plunged the nation into an economic crisis from which it has yet to emerge.
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Friday, April 03, 2009

Iowa's Civil Rights Leadership

April 3, 2009, 10:00 a.m.

Iowa's Supreme Court Says State Constitution Upholds Same Sex Marriage;
Forbids Legislative Effort to Ban

(brought to you by FromDC2Iowa.blogspot.com*)

See, "L'Iowa devient le troisième Etat américain à légaliser le mariage homosexuel," Le Monde, April 3, 2009; Monica Davey and Liz Robbins, "Iowa Court Says Gay Marriage Ban Is Unconstitutional," New York Times, April 3, 2009; Register Staff Reports, "Unanimous ruling: Iowa marriage no longer limited to one man, one woman," Des Moines Register, April 3, 2009.

And here is the Court's full opinion in Varnum v. Brien, April 3, 2009.

Today my home state contributes one more "Iowa brag" to be used when curious coastal residents ask where I'm living these days and are told "Iowa." After explaining to them that Idaho, Ohio and Iowa are really three states, not one, their response is sometimes, "But Iowa, Nick? Why would you want to live in Iowa?"

I'm reluctant to wax too effusive. After all, one of the answers to their question is the fact that Iowa's relatively low population density makes for much less stressful daily living. (The state's three million residents are fewer than the number who crowd many of their coastal cities.)

There are lots of answers. The number of lists of best places to live -- for the young, for entrepreneurs, for the elderly, for schools -- often put Iowa cities at or near the top. Iowa's scientific research and academic leaders include an impressive list from George Washington Carver to James Van Allen (for whom the Van Allen radiation belts are named). The nation's largest teaching hospital, in Iowa City, has some of the top rated departments in the country.

Iowa City is also one of three "cities of literature" worldwide designated by the United Nations (along with Edinburgh and Melbourne).

Indeed, there are lots of reasons why those who confuse Iowa with Idaho, and treat both states as nothing more than "fly over country" are missing out on the gem that is Iowa.

But one of the greatest irritants for me is when I have the sense that a coastal resident's preconceived notion of the state's residents is of a group of uneducated, conservative, rednecks who would vote "Larry the Cable Guy" into the governor's office if only he'd run.

Iowa has a proud history of civil rights leadership.

After all, it was little more than a year ago that this overwhelmingly white state put the lie to the notion that an African-American would not stand a chance as a presidential candidate. Thanks to Iowa that African-American is now in the White House and the world has a new view of Americans in general.

And today Iowa becomes one of three states (along with Connecticut and Massachusetts) to recognize gay marriage. I don't want to spoil today by getting into a rehash of the merits of the issue -- though I agree with the court's opinion both as a matter of state constitutional interpretation and as a matter of public policy. (See Nicholas Johnson, "Church, State and Gay Marriage," September 1, 2007.) Frankly, as I listened to the oral arguments before the Iowa Supreme Court in the Varnum case I didn't think the gay marriage opponents did a very good job of marshaling an argument for their position.

But you don't even have to agree with the court's outcome to recognize that it says something about the state that is of economic as well as civil rights significance. Richard Florida talks about the contribution of the "creative class" to any state's economic development. And among the qualities of life, culture, and society sought by those who have the most to contribute to entrepreneurial and other economic growth -- along with quality schools, theater, entertainment venues, parks and trails -- are the range of diversity and the sense of an open, progressive, welcoming society, of which this decision is but one more bit of very solid evidence (e.g., "[the cities] faring the best right now are not only major education centers; they also are regional health-care hubs that draw people into the city and benefit from a stable, educated, highly skilled work force. . . . Economists credit a highly skilled work force for the resilience of college towns. Edward Glaeser, an economics professor at Harvard University, has demonstrated that as the share of the adult population with college degrees in a city increases by 10%, wages correspondingly rise by about 7.8%." Kelly Evans, "Why College Towns Are Looking Smart," Wall Street Journal, March 24, 2009.).

The point is that these judgments by today's Iowans are not flukes.

Why do I head this blog entry "Iowa's Civil Rights Leadership"?

Let me answer that by quoting from Justice Cady's well-crafted opinion, which is far more precisely documented than I could create off the top of my head:
In the first reported case of the Supreme Court of the Territory of Iowa, In re Ralph, 1 Morris 1 (Iowa 1839), we refused to treat a human being as property to enforce a contract for slavery and held our laws must extend equal protection to persons of all races and conditions. 1 Morris at 9. This decision was seventeen years before the United States Supreme Court infamously decided Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. (19 How.) 393, 15 L. Ed. 691 (1856), which upheld the rights of a slave owner to treat a person as property. Similarly, in Clark v. Board of Directors, 24 Iowa 266 (1868), and Coger v. North West. Union Packet Co., 37 Iowa 145 (1873), we struck blows to the concept of segregation long before the United States Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 74 S. Ct. 686, 98 L. Ed. 873 (1954). Iowa was also the first state in the nation to admit a woman to the practice of law, doing so in 1869. Admission of Women to the Bar, 1 Chicago Law Times 76, 76 (1887). Her admission occurred three years before the United States Supreme Court affirmed the State of Illinois’ decision to deny women admission to the practice of law, see Bradwell v. Illinois, 83 U.S. (16 Wall.) 130, 139, 21 L. Ed. 442, 445 (1873), and twenty-five years before the United States Supreme Court affirmed the refusal of the Commonwealth of Virginia to admit women into the practice of law, see Ex parte Lockwood, 154 U.S. 116, 118, 14 S. Ct. 1082, 1083, 38 L. Ed. 929, 930 (1894). In each of those instances, our state approached a fork in the road toward fulfillment of our constitution’s ideals and reaffirmed the “absolute equality of all” persons before the law as “the very foundation principle of our government.” See Coger, 37 Iowa at 153.
Iowa has had many proud days. This is just one more.
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* Why do I put this blog ID at the top of the entry, when you know full well what blog you're reading? Because there are a number of Internet sites that, for whatever reason, simply take the blog entries of others and reproduce them as their own without crediting the source. I don't mind the flattering attention, but would appreciate acknowledgment as the source -- even if I have to embed it myself. -- Nicholas Johnson

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